#6: Evidence of Things Not Seen
November 2018

The sixth issue of Salvage. See more information about its contents here.

Order a copy here or subscribe here.


    Silence In Debris: Towards an Apophatic Marxism

    by China Miéville.

    Once there had been the subterranean language with the underground forces. If speech at all then it was the spaces between words, and the echoes the words left, or what might be really meant under the surface.
    Ann Quin, ‘The Unmapped Country’

    The problem with Marxism is Marxists. Having
    discovered this world system, they are persuaded
    they have acquired a hammer-lock on infallibility.
    Jim Higgins, More Years for the Locust

    A week has rarely been so long a time in politics: these are not just terrible but terribly strange times. Events deemed impossible by erudite observers, including on the left, refuse to cease to occur. Any model presuming the possibility of political certainty is a liability. The breakdown of old algorithms occasions epistemological crisis: hence liberalism’s panicked lachrymosity, the outrage of denied entitlement, conspiracism and self-righteousness. For the radical Left, the best response to the times is to replace protest-too-much business-as-usual with the perspicacity of failure. Where we can fill gaps in our understanding, we must; but perhaps we should start with the suspicion that we can’t. Political humility demands not new certainties for old, but a new, less certain way.


    The Demise of the International Proletariat of France: Talbot as Political Turning Point

    by Yvan Najiels

    We had nearly the same number of immigrants twenty years ago. But they had another name then: they were called migrant workers or just plain workers. Today’s immigrant is first a worker who has lost his second name, who has lost the political form of his identity and of his otherness, the form of a political subjectification of the count of the uncounted. All he now has left is a sociological identity, which then topples over into the anthropological nakedness of a different race and skin ...
    Jacques Rancière

    The Talbot situation makes clear why Mitterrand came to power: in order to transform the purely inhuman necessities of capital into an submissive and hypocritical collective consciousness ...
    Alain Badiou

    The OS in the 1960s and 1970s

    ‘I think that Kamel, too, is the working class’. 

    Robert Linhart was a Maoist établi – a militant sent into a working-class job for the specific purpose of organising workers. When Éditions de Minuit published Linhart’s account of his experiences in 1978, no one seemed to disagree with the book’s last sentence, identifying French Arabs as part of the working class. Indeed, at that time, ten years after May 1968 and what some, including Alain Badiou, called the ‘red years’, it wouldn’t have occurred to many to think of the OS – ouvriers spécialisés, a term for (unskilled) workers assigned to special-purpose machinery – of the 1960s and 1970s as exclusively ‘immigrants’ or as ‘Muslims’. Thinking that way was not a widespread or mass phenomenon.


    The Person, Historical Time and the Universalisation of Capital

    by Daniel Hartley[1]

    In 1938, Marcel Mauss gave a lecture entitled ‘Une catégorie de l’esprit humain: la notion de personne, celle de “moi”’ (‘A category of the human mind: the notion of person, the notion of “self”’). The lecture traces various historical configurations of the ‘person’, from the strictly delimited tribal ‘role’, through the Roman persona – a mask or character in a dramatic play, as well as a legal subject entitled to the inheritance of an estate – all the way to the modern sense of a ‘moral person’ who is ‘conscious, independent, autonomous, free and responsible’. But this teleology, which reaches its provisional apotheosis in the ‘precision’ and ‘clarity’ of the European present, is constantly undermined by a notable insecurity as to the ontological status of that very present. Mauss begins his narrative with contemporary native American tribes, implicitly framing them as prehistoric, while simultaneously insisting on their present actuality, a contradiction that arouses an affective malaise that might be described as a fear of kitsch, whereby seemingly authentic tribal practices and symbols become degraded to the status of inauthentic commodities. Beyond this ambiguity, however, Mauss effectively delineates two main trajectories of the person: what one might call the ‘impersonal’ person, unconnected to subjective interiority, which was functional within tribal communities and, in a different way, in Roman law (and which continues in political thought through Hobbes and, later, Gramsci and Althusser, as Peter D. Thomas notes in The Gramscian Moment), and the ‘moral person’ that emerged with the Stoics and became consolidated in Christianity (and was continued via Locke and Kant).


    Caedmon's Dream: on the Politics of Style

    by Richard Seymour


    The great enemy of clear language is insincerity.

    – George Orwell

    In matters of grave importance, style, not sincerity is the vital thing.

    – Oscar Wilde

    Okay, I write overblown, purple, self-indulgent prose. So fucking what?

    – Angela Carter


    ‘All Scripture,’ claims the Book of Timothy, ‘is God-breathed’.

    This is not the first myth of divine inspiration of writing. The Sumerian god, Enki, was supposed to have gifted writing to humanity alongside metalwork and woodwork – a telling juxtaposition, that suggests that writing is one of the crafts. The word ‘hieroglyph’ literally translates as ‘writing of the gods’, a reference to the idea that the god Thoth invented script. What these myths suggest is that writing is an obtainment, not an attainment. That writing is sacred, and that there is something in it that goes beyond human purposes – an obverse, a nocturnal side, of the supposed and supposedly ordinary goal of conveying articulate speech in graphic form.



    by Barnaby Raine.

    The following pieces appeared in Salvage #6: Evidence of Things Not Seen. The issue can be ordered individually here, or as part of a subscription, available here. A short preview of this essay originally appeared on the Salvage website. Our poetry, fiction and art remains exclusive to the print edition.

    Measured analysis is out, polemics are all the rage. Consider this. A major study by the Institute for Jewish Policy Research finds anti-Semitic attitudes evenly spread across Britain’s political spectrum – with one clear exception: those identifying as ‘very right-wing’ are two to four times more likely to dislike Jews than anyone else. This is the context in which, in late 2016, the House of Commons Home Affairs Committee conducted an inquiry into anti-Semitism.


    Against Law-sterity

    by Robert Knox

    The below is one of the essays published in Salvage #6: Evidence of Things Not Seen. All of the essays published in print are released online in the months after their print publication. Each issue of Salvage includes a perspectives pamphlet and many other essays, as well as print-exclusive art, fiction and poetry – and a postcard. Please subscribe; subscriptions are our lifeblood.



    In a 2015 interview, Jean Claude Juncker, President of the European Commission, upon learning of the election of Syriza in Greece, stated that ‘[t]here can be no democratic choice against the European treaties’. Since those treaties mandated that Greece implement austerity, no mere election could overturn them.


    Left Problems, Nationalism and the Crisis

    by Malcolm James & Sivamohan Valluvan

    Each issue of Salvage includes a perspectives pamphlet and many other essays, as well as print-exclusive art, fiction and poetry – and a postcard. Please subscribe; subscriptions are our lifeblood.

    The below is one of the essays published in Salvage #6: Evidence of Things Not Seen. All of the essays published in print are released online in the months after their print publication.

    Crises abound. Crises that might be productively seized, or crises that usher in a new threshold of capitalist governance no longer tempered by the nominal equality of juridical liberalism or the egalitarian reflexes of redistributive social democracy. Whatever else Brexit, Trump, Farage, Le Pen, Sanders and now Corbyn may be, they all seem to indicate a crisis – a moment of rupture, a proliferation of new horizons, and a centre that cannot hold. On the left, the ‘full automation now’ and universal-basic-income Neo-Keynesianism of the bright young things finds affinity in the avuncular socialism of Sanders and Corbyn. Elsewhere, a popular authoritarianism, committed, amongst other things, to overseeing the full ravages of climate change, butts up against far-right neoreaction.


    Salvage Perspectives #6: Evidence of Things Not Seen

    by the Salvage Editorial Collective

    Every issue of Salvage is accompanied by a pamphlet wherein the Editorial Collective presents a synoptic overview of certain key aspects of the political conjuncture as we see it – our perspectives. The below is the editorial perspectives essay that accompanies Salvage #6: Evidence of Things Not Seen. Issue 6 went to press in late October, and in some cases, events have already overtaken the below. 

    Subscriptions are our lifeblood. Each issue of Salvage includes a perspectives pamphlet and many other essays, as well as print-exclusive art, fiction and poetry – and a postcard. Please subscribe.

    How are our crises proceeding?

    Since Salvage’s foundation, the politics of late capitalism have been characterised by a three-fold consubstantial decomposition. Though readers of Salvage will be familiar with our assessment of this decomposition, it is worth a recap of its elements as we chart its development since our last issue.



    by Barnaby Raine

    The following is an extract from Salvage #6: Evidence of Things Not Seen. The issue is available for pre-order here, or as part of a subscription, available here. The rest of this essay will be released online after the print issue has been released, along with the rest of the non-fiction in the issue. Our poetry, fiction and art remains exclusive to the print edition.


    Measured analysis is out, polemics are all the rage. Consider this. A major study by the Institute for Jewish Policy Research finds anti-Semitic attitudes evenly spread across Britain’s political spectrum – with one clear exception: those identifying as ‘very right-wing’ are two to four times more likely to dislike Jews than anyone else. This is the context in which, in late 2016, the House of Commons Home Affairs Committee conducted an inquiry into anti-Semitism.

    Their report nods to YouGov polling that finds anti-Semitism pollutes all the main parties equally, with UKIP twice as sullied: UKIP is then never mentioned again. We read that the far Right is responsible for three quarters of anti-Semitic incidents in the UK, and that it was ‘an increase in far-right extremist activity’ that provoked the writing of the report – after which the far Right, too, is never mentioned again.


    ‘The Function of Autonomy’: Félix Guattari and New Revolutionary Prospects

    by Andrew Ryder.

    Félix Guattari is widely discussed among philosophers, particularly feminists and specialists in ecology and technology. But in the Anglophone world, political organisers tend to ignore him. In part this is due to academic paywalls and university strictures confining his work, but the problem goes further: the stylistic conservatism of so much of the Anglo-American left has impeded the capacity to learn from his insights, because they are presented in an nontraditional and unfamiliar style. This resistance has obscured his continuing activity as a participant and organiser in a variety of international struggles.


    Pleasure and Provocation: Kay Gabriel Interview with Jordy Rosenberg


    by Jordy Rosenberg & Kay Gabriel.

    Jordy Rosenberg: Can you speak a bit about your formation as a poet and a Marxist?  You've founded (at least) two different poetry collectives - Negative Press, "a gay Marxist poetry collective," and Vetch, a magazine of "trans poetry and poetics."  How does your own work relate to the work of collectives-forming and the practice and labor of being part of a collective?


    Burial at Sea

    by Alex Alvarez Taylor.

    A glance at the results of the Italian election in March confirms that the trend towards the populist right continues to gather strength in Europe. Support for the Five Star Movement sharply increased in the southern regions and in the islands particularly. 


    Open letter to the picket-line crossers

    by Alberto Toscano.

    Dear colleague,

    Over the past few weeks of the UCU strike to defend pensions, you have repeatedly crossed picket lines of lecturers and students from your institution. Many of us have asked you to support an action aimed at preventing the imposition of pension poverty on thousands of academics present and future, and to challenge the plunder of a collective resource, a process which is being driven by faulty economics and engineered by managers who have massively increased their own pay at the same time as they have squandered our deferred salary.


    ‘What we believe in waits latent forever through all the continents’: The Paris Commune and the Poetics of Martyrdom in the Fin de Siècle Socialist Print Culture

    by Owen Holland.

    On 30 November 2016, Le Monde, and several other French newspapers, reported that the National Assembly had voted posthumously to rehabilitate the victims of the repression of the Paris Commune. Jean-Marie Le Guen, the Minister of State for Relations with Parliament, supported a text that ‘promotes the transmission of the memory’ of the Communards, whom the document refers to as ‘patriots’ and ‘insurgents’ whose values ‘inspired the Republic’. As the Fifth Republic teetered on the brink of full-throated authoritarian populism, and from within the midst of an ongoing state of emergency, one might regard it as an unusual moment at which to exonerate thousands of revolutionaries who aspired to overthrow the established order of rival nation-states in proposing a vision of international, working-class solidarity that cut across national boundaries. In part, the gesture of rehabilitation was little more than an opportunistic electioneering ruse on the part of an embattled neoliberal Socialist Party. Yet it was also very much in keeping with what Enzo Traverso, in his recent book Left-Wing Melancholia, has characterised as the ‘currently dominant humanitarianism that sacralises the memory of victims, and mostly neglects or rejects their commitments’, thereby stifling a more active politics of remembrance and mourning. How, then, might this belated gesture of accommodation on the part of the French state, at the very moment of its profound structural crisis, illuminate and speak to those more fugitive and transitory acts of remembrance through which generations of revolutionaries have sought to keep alive the memory, and to reactivate the political legacy, of the Communards?


    A Free Zone Unlike Any Other

    by Pearl Ahrens.

    A French hamlet is being threatened by a multinational company’s plans for an airport. The eviction is being carried out by thousands of police officers and soldiers. Is it bizarre for the French state to deploy its army and police force against its own citizens to enforce the whims of a private company? Imagine a small English village having to defend its way of life against bulldozers and tear gas.


    Pan-Africanism and Communism: An Interview with Hakim Adi

    by Selim Nadi & Hakim Adi

    Selim Nadi: How would you define Pan-Africanism?
    Hakim Adi: Pan-Africanism can be considered both an ideology and a movement that grew out of the common struggles of those of African descent both in Africa and in the African diaspora against enslavement, colonial rule and the accompanying anti-African racism and various forms of Eurocentrism. The phrases Pan-African and Pan-Africanism did not emerge until the late nineteenth and early twentieth century but an embryonic form Pan-Africanism was in evidence in the eighteenth century with such abolitionist organisations as the British-based Sons of Africa, led by former enslaved Africans such as Olaudah Equiano and Ottobah Cugoano, which recognised the needs to Africans to unite together for common aims.


    Syria and the Problem of Left Solidarity

    by Donya Alinejad & Saskia Baas


    Since January, Syria has seen escalations in violence and civilian casualties in two conflict areas. Afrin, the Kurdish-held enclave along the Turkish border, has seen increased fighting since the Turkish military entered the area by force on January 19th this year. To date, the fighting has left an estimated 112 civilians dead. Meanwhile, in Eastern Ghouta, only a few hours’ drive away from Afrin, the Syrian military is finishing off final pockets of resistance through a brutal extermination campaign in which civilians are systematically targeted. Decisively reinforced by Russian air and Iranian ground forces, the bloodshed is reminiscent of the assault on Aleppo just over a year ago, during which more than 30,000 Syrians were killed. The civilian death toll in Eastern Ghouta has risen to include 1,070 civilians over the past three months.

    As the tragedy in Afrin develops, North American and European leftist platforms have been disseminating calls by Kurdish armed groups for solidarity with victims of military violence in Syria’s northern district of Afrin. Such solidarity is much needed and deserved, but so is international solidarity with civilians elsewhere in Syria. Instead, the Western Left has largely remained silent in the face of the unimpeded massacre in Eastern Ghouta. The striking hypocrisy forces us to re-examine how our concept of international solidarity applies to the unarmed victims of this war.


    A Place to Call Home

    by Andrea Gibbons

    A place to call home. A simple thing. Labour once had a vision, housing for everyone, though what makes a home is perhaps not so simple. As Kim Dovey writes, home is deeply intertwined with our identity. It centres the relationship between ourselves and the earth, centres our connection to community and culture and society, to our past with its memories, and to our ability to grow into our full potential with the power to define our future. For many women, children and sometimes men this is made more complex by human violence or the weight of drudgery that too often transform domestic spaces to make of their walls a prison. Not a home, which in all of its physical, emotional and spiritual fullness should be a place of strength and safety.

    A home should not be what kills us.


    Guilt and the Left

    by James Gurrey


    "Use every man after his desert, and who should 'scape whipping?"



    For as long as I have been a part of the Left, for most activists there has been a tacit subjective injunction at various times to feel guilty about various things: the fact that some are worse off than ourselves, that we are insufficiently active, that we are not politically ‘hard’ enough, that we have and enjoy different kinds of ‘privilege’. However there is nothing progressive about guilt. Quite the opposite.

    Defining guilt as the projecting inwards of aggressive instincts we would otherwise project outwards, Freud considered it a conservative force, forming the basis of the social order, ‘the price we pay for our advance in civilization’.[i] Freud delved further into the phenomenon in his clinical work. In ‘Mourning and Melancholia’ he associated this internalisation of aggression with loss. This loss could be of an actual person, or something more abstract, like an ideal. Orienting Freud’s insights politically we might suppose that loss, in the form of dispossession or defeat, can manifest in feelings of guilt in the dispossessed or defeated. Could the guilt endured by those bearing the brunt of neoliberalism be symptomatic of a loss of democracy, and thus of some degree of control over our lives? If so then might working through guilt be a necessary step in the process of actualising our desire for democracy? Challenging a discourse of guilt can be interpreted as excusing injustice. This is not my intention—it was out of recognition of the recalcitrance of these problems, particularly as they persist within the left, that this piece was written. Morality may be a principle, but moralising is a tactic. Drawing from my own experiences from workplace organising, I want to suggest that it is rarely the best one.


    Not: Marxism as ‘Organised Sarcasm’

    by Richard Seymour

    Women, children, and revolutionaries hate irony.

    —Joseph Conrad



    I. Gramsci is supposed to have claimed, in one of his recondite quips, that Marxism is ‘organised sarcasm’[1].

    There is something terribly appealing about the idea of sarcasm, red in tooth and claw, being marshalled into the proletarian side of battle. It is ludic and yet hugely suggestive. And Gramsci certainly withered his opponents nicely when duty demanded it. What would the claim be like if it were true?


    ‘One thinge that ouerthroweth all that were graunted before’: On Being Presidential

    by China Miéville

    The stricken punditocracy agrees that Donald Trump is missing a crucial quality, a je ne sais quoi necessary for his office. He may be president, but he is not presidential. The liberal world is in mourning for this dispositional quiddity, presidentialness.

    According to one recent poll, 70 per cent of Americans surveyed held that Trump has – particularly in his genuinely startling use of social media, his deliberately offensive provocations – acted ‘unpresidentially’. Plucking examples from vast reserves, the LA Times decries Trump’s ‘self-indulgent and unpresidential demeanor’; the Village Voice his ‘unpresidential’ ‘antics’; the Atlantic ‘the unpresidential things Trump says’. And the angst is global. The Irish Times lists ‘[a]ll the unpresidential things Trump has done since he got elected’; according to The Guardian, asserting a taken-for-granted antipode, Trump is ‘tyrannical not presidential’; indeed for the Toronto Star, ‘Donald Trump defines the meaning of “unpresidential”’.

    It’s common on the Left to point out what has apparently not counted as unpresidential: slave-owning; massacre; imperial butchery. What is there for which to hanker?


    ‘With or Without You’: Naturalising Migrants and the Never-Ending Tragedy of Liberalism

    by Maïa Pal[1]


    To be homeless is to be nameless. He. The existence of a migrant worker.

    John Berger



    The One Day Without Us campaign was launched in the UK in October 2016 ‘in reaction to the rising tide of post-Brexit street- level racism and xenophobia’ and, according to its website, ‘the divisive and stridently anti-migrant rhetoric emanating from too many politicians that has accompanied it.’ It held its target protest day on Monday 20 February 2017. ‘At a time when the political discussion about migration too often depicts a false narrative of “us versus them”, and when migrants are too often excluded from a debate that is supposedly about them, we wanted to provide an opportunity for migrants and British nationals to come together and celebrate the vital role that migrants play within their own communities.’ The campaign thus aimed to showcase a variety of pro-migrant sentiment and action across the UK. At my workplace, students and staff were encouraged to write on Post-its pinned to a map of the world their messages of support and solidarity, and what migrants meant to them. In other workplaces, one particularly striking message passing on social media emerged from a series of pictures of people contrasting what their work cohort looked like with and without migrants.


    Class, Race and Capital-centric Marxism: an interview with Charlie Post

    by George Souvlis, Sebastian Budgen, Jeremiah Gaster and Charlie Post.

    Could you introduce yourself, by describing the formative experiences (academic and political) that strongly influenced you?

    Politically, I was shaped by the social struggles of the late 1960s and early 1970s. My father’s family were working-class Jewish social-democrats, who, while voting for the US Democratic Party since the 1930s, were anti-racist and anti-imperialist. They supported both the civil rights and black power movement. My uncle, who was involved in the unofficial and illegal strikes among teachers in the late 1950s and early 1960s that won collective bargaining rights, broke with the New York City teacher union leadership when they struck against African-American community control of the schools in 1968. They also opposed the Bay of Pigs invasion and the Vietnam War from the outset — despite having voted for both Kennedy and Johnson as ‘lesser evils.’


    Salvaging the Dormant: On Language

    by Sarah Grey

    ‘Tamil will die a slow death
    The languages of the West will triumph in this world.’

    So says the simpleton;

    Alas! what an accusation!

    —Subramania Bharati



    I. We live among the ghosts of languages.


    L’autonomie s’organise

    by Valerio Starita

    A note on the text[1]: The piece that follows was originally given as a talk at the event ‘L’autonomie sorganise(autonomy gets organised) organised by Penser l’émancipation at the Bourse du travail in Saint- Denis, France, 2 March 2017. Other speakers were Morgane Merteuil, Toni Negri and Jean-Marc Rouillan. It addresses a context of creeping authoritarianism in French politics, as seen in two recent episodes. The first is the French governments response to the November 2015 terrorist attacks in Paris. Following the attacks, the government declared a state of emergency giving extraordinary powers to search and detain people without judicial warrant. The state of emergency has been extended repeatedly since its declaration and at the time of writing is set to last until November 2017, making it the countrys longest continuous state of emergency since the Algerian War in the 1960s. Although the state of emergency has only had a limited effect on improving security, it has predictably led to widespread civil rights violations, notably in the suburban periphery, where Frances racially and economically marginalised population is concentrated.

    The second episode is the introduction by the French Socialist government of a proposed revision of worker-friendly labour laws in February 2016, which provoked a massive protest movement that lasted most of the year. For months, French workers, students, and youth participated in a series of demonstrations, strikes, and occupations of public spaces to protest against the Socialist government. The government proposal, known as the El Khomri Law(named for the Socialist Labour Minister) or simple the Labour Law, was designed to relax Frances labour laws by making it easier for employers to reduce pay, negotiate holidays and leaves, and lay workers off. Public opposition to the law was such that the government was forced to resort to a rarely-invoked constitutional article allowing it to effectively bypass parliamentary debate. The law took effect in August 2016.